Tuesday, October 4, 2022
WHAT JUST HAPPENED IN EUROPE?
The handwriting was on the wall: the headlines could not be ignored: "Italian voters appear ready to turn a page for Europe." (NY Times); "Election will test Italian's cautious optimism." (Gallup); "Right-wing alliance seen as likely winner as Italians vote." (Reuters). News media across the spectrum warned the world that Italy, the E.U.'s third largest economy, was about to elect a Fascist alliance to run its next government. As predicted, it happened. So, now what? People ask "why?" How could this happen? Is Europe about to return to a darker past?
The outcome of this election, although uncomfortable for many, should not come as a total surprise. Continental Europe, a landmass significantly smaller than North America, has been home to at least 20 hard-right political parties. Many of these have roots in a Nazi or Fascist past, and most all proclaim Neo-Nazi or Neo-Fascist leanings. Virtually all proclaim frustration with their country's political establishment. They point out that Democracy is not terribly efficient. They resent globalization. They tend to hold extreme nationalist, xenophobic and racist views, and charge that liberal immigration policies are diluting their national identity. Most exhibit an inclination to be Eurosceptic, fundamentally opposed to the E.U. and European integration, even if their country benefits substantially economically from membership in the European Union.
A growing number of hard-right nationalist parties have accumulated sufficient electoral support to enter governing coalitions in their host countries. In Hungary, Viktor Orban's "Fidesz" party has run the country for over a decade. It is staunchly anti-immigrant, openly intolerant of minorities and the liberal leanings of philanthropist countryman George Soros, and vocally critical of E.U. sanctions on Russia. Austria's far-right, anti-Muslim, "Freedom Party", founded in 1955 and rooted in National Socialism, is a dominant participant in the country's government. The right-wing opposition "AFD" (Alternative for Germany) political party is overwhelmingly supported in areas which prior to the country's reunification in 1990 were part of East Germany. As of the federal elections in 2017 it became Germany's third largest party. The "Sweden Democrats," once a fringe, anti-immigrant, party created out of a group of hard-line Neo-Nazis, recently received 20.5% of the vote and became the largest party in Sweden's new center-right majority in parliament. In France, Marine Le Pen, who presides over the "National Rally," a perennial candidate for president, received 41.5% of the popular vote in last April's run off election with Emmanuel Macron - a significant improvement over the 33.9% she received in 2017. And there are numerous others who have gained prominence: "Vox" in Spain, the "Danish People's Party," "Vlaams Belang" in Belgium, "Forum voor Democratie" and "Party for Freedom" in The Netherlands. And, outside of the European Union, the dominant "Swiss People's Party." Most of these are hard-right, nationalist, anti status quo, and ready to take the reigns of traditional democratic countries.
That within this political environment another right-wing fringe party, the "Brothers of Italy" should manage to become a serious player is hardly surprising. Italy is the birthplace of Fascism. Following World War II, the country never repudiated Fascism and Mussolini in the way Germany renounced Nazism and Hitler. Rachelle Mussolini and Alessandra Mussolini - il Duce's granddaughter - are still prominent in Italian politics. However, labels don't necessarily reflect ideology. Georgia Meloni has said that she dislikes talking about Fascism. She is convinced that the Italian right "has banned Fascism over to history for decades" already. She expresses support for NATO, the E.U., Ukraine, and the sanctions on Russia. Although these are positions not necessarily shared by her coalition partners. Europe anxiously waits to see what will happen.
Roberto D'Alimonte, professor of Political Science and an acknowledged expert on Italy's electoral system at the University of Florence, advises critics to remain calm. He rejects the believe that the country has moved to the right, and does not think that its citizenry considers Ms. Meloni a threat. According to him the country did not vote for Fascism. It was simply tired of an inefficient liberal government, and just wanted a change. His take is that the Italian establishment is more concerned with her party's lack of competence than with an authoritarian takeover.
The fact remains that a century after Benito Mussolini's 1922 "March on Rome," which brought the Fascist dictator to power, Georgia Meloni will lead Italy's first far-right-led government since World War II and becomes Italy's first woman Prime Minister. Opinions aside, this remains a big political shift for a pivotal European country dealing with ongoing economic and political instability.
Theo Wierdsma
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