AMERICAN EXCEPTIONALISM REVISITED

After the conclusion of a vigil for the 21 killed at Robb Elementary School in Uvalde Texas, Senator Ted Cruz was cornered by British Sky News reporter Mark Stone. Mr. Stone pointedly asked the senator: "Why do mass shootings only happen in America? Why is this American exceptionalism so awful?" Cruz, whose campaigns and political action committees are among the primary beneficiaries of financial support from the gun rights lobby, taken aback, retorted: "I am sorry you think American exceptionalism is so awful. America is the freest, most prosperous, safest country on earth!" Unfortunately, it seems that both participants in this verbal altercation missed the mark about "American exceptionalism." However, their conversation generated an impulse to clarify this much used, but mostly misunderstood, concept. "Exceptionalism" refers to the perception or belief that a species, country, society, etc. is unusual or extraordinary - implying that it is superior in some way. "American exceptionalism" involves the belief that the United States possesses qualities that make it unique and special. The concept was first identified by the French aristocrat and diplomat Alexis de Tocqueville during the 1830s when he spent ten month here studying the effects of the American Revolution on our political culture. De Tocqueville enumerated five values he considered crucial: Liberty, egalitarianism, individualism, populism and laissez-faire. His conclusions were later picked up, elaborated and redefined by political scientist Seymour Martin Lipset during the 1960s. Lipset also traced the idea of exceptionalism back to the American Revolution from which the U.S. emerged as "the first new nation" with a distinct ideology - based, again, on Liberty, equality before the law, individual responsibility, republicanism and laissez-faire economics. He added "republicanism" to the value mix, which is meant to recognize the sovereignty of the people as the source of all authority under the law, rejecting monarchy, aristocracy and hereditary political power. Throughout our history, political leaders managed to develop the concept of American exceptionalism into a symbol of national identity by convincing Americans, and by extension the world, that the U.S. is both destined and entitled to play a dominant, distinct and positive role on the world stage. Especially during periods of great change and tumult, leaders sought to inspire beleaguered Americans by reminding them of their national identity, deliberately incorporating the idea of exceptionalism. Outstanding examples of oratory manipulation included references to the country as: "Empire of liberty" - Thomas Jefferson; "The last best hope of earth" - Abraham Lincoln; "The leader of the free world" - Harry Truman; "Shining city on a hill" - Ronald Reagan; and "Indispensable nation" - Madeleine Albright. Barack Obama had a contentious disposition towards American exceptionalism, considering it no different from British or Greek exceptionalism, for which he encountered significant criticism. As a dominating principle the continued strength of American exceptionalism depends domestically on the depth of our acceptance of a national identity and internationally on our perceived dominance in many domains of power - military, economic, political and cultural. This, in turn, involves the existence of a believable image and an observable reality. Internationally our arrogant shortsighted glorification of exceptionalism and military interventions have taken their toll. Francis Fukuyama, a political scientist at Stanford University, postulated that the peak period of our hegemonic strength diminished after the financial crisis of 2007-2009. Domestic challenges, which significantly affect personal beliefs in a national identity, permeate our borders as well. Society is deeply polarized, not just on political issues like taxes and abortion - it extends into a struggle over cultural identity. Even external threats, such as the coronavirus, deepened divisions over masks and vaccinations, which became political issues. Michael Mazarr, a senior political scientist at the Rand Corporation, in a study commissioned by the Pentagon, concluded what many of us already know: three quarters of those surveyed are unhappy with where we are going as a country; across party lines, we no longer trust our institutions; only 10% are "very satisfied" with how democracy is working; the American "melting pot" is dead to many; median net worth of the middle class fell 20%, of the working class 45%. (Michael Mazarr, "The Societal Foundation of National Competitiveness," Rand Corporation, 2022). We are anxious that we may be taken over by China, that our consumption is unsustainable, and that we cannot afford the entitlements we have today. A civic identity that prided us as a multi-ethnic democracy has been replaced by warring narratives on questions of freedom, history of slavery and even sexuality. Every day, more that 110 people are killed by guns and more than 200 are shot and wounded. Our electoral system, once the envy of the world and emulated by many, are under attack by anti democratic, illiberal forces. Moreover, the January 6, 2021, insurrection at our Capitol, akin to what most of our allies would have expected in lesser developed countries, not the United States, helped to undermine our standing in the world. American exceptionalism, because of its systemic origins, is not entirely dead, but rapidly fading. Theo Wierdsma