REINTERPRETING HISTORY

History is not an exact science, at least not in the same way we see mathematics. Science refers to objective knowledge, which holds that ideas exist independently from the individual. While primary research includes fact finding, history itself is dependent on interpretation of those facts. What is important about this is that nobody can claim a lock on the content, meaning or relevant facts pertinent to a country's national identity. Which is not to say that a country's history is unimportant. In fact, in addition to national symbols, language, culture, values, traditions and, frequently, ethnicity, a common history, especially when embellished, is essential to a sense of national pride. This, in turn, is related to feelings of patriotism and nationalism. A strong sense of national identity has payoffs in terms of social cohesion and a feeling of belonging by its citizenry.

Given today's world, which, more and more, appears to suffer from an identity crisis, politicians taking the lead in many countries, are intent on reinterpreting their country's past and recreate a national history to fit their political objectives. They look at history as a tool of political propaganda. Especially in states led by authoritarians, history has become an independent variable manipulatable by those seeking to remain in power. The past is something that dictatorships do not leave to chance. They almost always take control of academic research, limit public access to information, and retool history through the lens of their ideology.

Examples are plentiful. In China, Xi Jinping appears convinced that to control his country, he must control its history. In his words, for the Chinese Dream to be achieved, he needs to insure that people "have correct views on history." On one hand, Chinese resistance to the Japanese in the 1930's and the second world war can be remembered. On the other hand, the brutal crackdown during the Tiananmen Square episode in June of 1989, which killed hundreds, and which was removed from the secondary school curriculum in Hong Kong, must be forgotten. (Louisa Lim, "Rewriting history in the People's Republic of Amnesia and beyond," The Conversation, May 28, 2018). Chinese textbooks changed almost overnight in 2006. The new standard world history text dropped wars, dynasties and Communist revolutions in favor of colorful tutorials on economics, technology, social customs and globalization. They do not so much rewrite history as diminish it. It serves to indoctrinate students during their formative years.

In early 2018, Polish President Andrzei Duda signed a controversial law criminalizing statements that attribute responsibility for the Holocaust and other Nazi atrocities to "the Polish nation." During a television interview, Duda said that the law protects Poland's interests and the historical truth, "so that we are not slandered." Poland is not the only post-Communist country that tried to reframe the history of its role during WWII and defend the part it played in the Holocaust. Hungary, Ukraine and the Baltic states have all made similar moves. (Rewriting History in Eastern Europe," Foreign Affairs, Sept/Oct 2019).

During the past 10-11 years, the Hungarian government has steadily rewritten that country's national history - crafting another, rooted in the "glory days" between the world wars, when Hungary was ruled by right-wing autocrat, and ally of Hitler, Mikols Horthy. This effort has included replacing historical sculptures, art, and reconsidering academic study options. Prime Minister Viktor Orban has waged a systematic assault on Hungary's democracy, rewriting the national Constitution, reshaping the judiciary, tweaking the electoral system and changing the content of textbooks to fit his vision. In a recent interview, Laszlo Miklosi, president of the Association of Hungarian History Teachers, suggested that "the government's goal is to create a version of history preferable to Orban."

Critics maintain that these policies falsify history. Defenders argue that they represent a normal and necessary part of state building. When, 51 years ago, I arrived in this country, I possessed an idealized version of my native Holland. Soon, however, I began to realize that even there, in one of the most progressive countries in Europe, the interpretation of its national history had been contorted to fit the need of developing a positive national identity. My heroes, historical figures like Michiel de Ruyter, Maarten Tromp and Piet Heyn, who, in the Bay of Matanzas, Cuba, in 1628, captured the Spanish Silver Fleet, even worth many millions at the time, were identified by outside historians as pirates or privateers. I found out that our 80 year war with Spain, which ultimately led to Dutch independence, might not have needed to last that long had Dutch merchants not sold guns and ammunition to both sides in the conflict. Participation by the Dutch West India Company in the slave trade during the second half of the 17th century, transporting 2,500 to 3,000 slaves from Africa to the Americas, something never seen in Dutch history textbooks, was an eye opener. And even today, a New York Times article describing the role the Dutch national railroad played in transporting 107,000 Jewish residents to transit and extermination camps in Germany during World War II, something mostly kept quiet for 70 years, served to have me re-examine history with newly opened eyes.

Every country is either doing it, or has done so during their formative period. Today, digitalization has made deliberate reinterpretations and distortions of history far easier. In the past, someone who wanted to censor had to go to the bookshelves and remove copies or pages. But today, with a few keystrokes, that same individual can wipe out content everywhere instantly. The result is that anyone who does research will come away misinformed or with a distorted view.

To quote 19th century French philosopher Ernest Renan: "Forgetting is a crucial factor in the creation of a nation."